Different Selves, Different Politics

Liam O'Sullivan
Department of Politics
University of Southampton

October 1995

This paper, largely in this form, was given at the PSA Annual Conference, University of York, Easter 1995, in the Political Science Specialist Group Panel on "Judgement", and published in Contemporary Political Studies 1995, PSA UK, Belfast, volume 3.


Why should one love peace? it is so obviously vile to make war.
Loud peace propaganda makes war seem imminent.
It is a form of war, even, self assertion and being wise for other people.
Let people be wise for themselves. And anyhow
Nobody should be wise except on rare occasions, like getting married or dying.
It's bad taste to be wise all the time like being at a perpetual funeral.
For everyday day use, give me someone whimsical, with not too much purpose in life,
Then we shan't have war, and we needn't talk about peace.
D. H. Lawrence [From Peace and War]

 


Criticism of the prevailing order of things, has always at the very least involved disclosure of the ways in which exploitation and injustice tend to be justified. The modes of justification may vary and may indeed be so grounded in tradition and conventional thoughtways that they have a taken for granted character. But they may still be seen as more or less deliberate and conscious by critics, prophets, seers or saints, in that they rest on claims and arguments as well as being reinforced against challenge by an apparatus of inspection and control and held in place by the use of force. These claims and arguments, perhaps only partly explicit, and only articulated, perhaps with freshness and ingenuity, under challenge, constitute the leading public interpretations of the culture, politics or relations of stratification to which power holders or privileged elites turn in order to feel more comfortable with themselves or from which they may draw energy in pursuing their purposes, have in the modern period been thought of as constituting "ideology" and the task of bringing them clearly into the light of day as "critique". The history of critical theory from the Enlightenment period to the present with all its developments is such a project and is a large study in itself. But this enterprise is not confined to critical theory, nor is it the monopoly of the left, nor of the modern age, nor even of the west. In one way or another, the charge of hypocrisy, self deception, corruption, is part of the burden of all moral or political criticism of all periods. And the strain towards the emergence of new values, the struggle to convey ever deeper meanings is tied into the attempt to reveal the doom laden character of the present age, whatever that age may be.

In this sense there is a unity, or a sort of common theme that runs through all creative thought regarding the social order which is anything more than scientific. And even from within an entirely scientific cast of mind there is no less a weight of prescription borne within any "interpretation" of the world. Obviously this is so from the most conservative of viewpoints if so we want to understand, say Hegel, or the structural sociologists, or the most determinist thinkers such as some of the Marxists.

This is to suggest that we have become habituated to the view that the experience of life is generally seen as against a background of competing conceptions of the desirable, of differing ideas about how we ought to live, of what are sometimes thought of as competing ideologies, "value systems" or whatever. And to indicate that for the first time that idea has become transformed into something new. That background, for all the present day obsession with the relativity of values, that idea of genuine alternatives regarding the way in which we see life's possibilities has become something different. Lying within the horizons of modernity is the destruction of the conviction that conceptions of the desirable can be derived from anything, can be given a clear and demonstrable foundation. So much is this the case that it has come to be thought that modernity is the graveyard of belief. Certainly the modern condition, even seen in terms of the " triumph of the west " is from many perspectives thought to be a condition in which there is a deficit of meaning. But of course this does not in itself entail that moral conviction has actually declined or that we are entering a new barbarism.

For it could also be thought to be the case that under the impact of a constantly diffusing religiosity the resonances of enchantment in the present age have in fact increased at the level of general consciousness, that there has for slightly different reasons occurred a growth of tenderness and that modern people in contrast to quite recent times are more rather than less aware of the preciousness of personality and of social institutions. The moral deficit in this sense arises not from any process of coarsening, and if Elias is to be in any way relied upon the contrary is the case, nor from a flattening of sensibility arising from the ever deeper extension of democratisation, but from the accretion of new strains and difficulties coming from the growing demands of life experience both upon social institutions and individuals. In such a view, which is at least very plausible, the deficit of meaning, the sense of directionlessness, the species anxiety, has to do with new burdens new strains and tugs rather from a process of coarsening and mass superficiality. ( Baudrillard, for example, could here be taken to be pointing in quite the wrong direction.) In this sense the diagnosis of present day "pluralism" with respect to meaning has lost its way. In terms of various fashionable preoccupations, it can be thought that there has been a misestimation both of the continuing strains of modernity and the resources which it has at its disposal. It will further be argued that the attempts to find minimal solutions to the problems of modernity which step outside modernity and try to gain some independent vantage point upon it carry in themselves the possibilities of the generating the very barbarisms which they seek to ward off.

 

I

The liberal mind tends to see the destruction of community, in the sense of Tonnies, as a liberation from values. Values, our chosen ends, can be rationally defended to the extent that they are not dependent upon a theory of the good which is anything other than minimal. For there may always be rational disagreements about what is worthwhile, and with the destruction of intimate forms of life, which shape and "constitute" the individual and in which moral doubt may arise as much as anything else from confusion and failure to grasp the meaning of social rules and better still the law, we may have no other recourse but to articulate the values which we do in fact hold and which it can be shown would be held by others were they accessible to argument. Or alternatively we may consult the beliefs of the societies in which we in fact live and say to ourselves that those values at least may be defended, perhaps in conflict with the values of other societies which must be taken for what they are and which may only be criticised to the extent that the denizens of those societies act in ways which contradict their own supposed commitments. Some such attitude is broadly prevalent within more western societies and only seems surprising, when it is spelled out fairly explicitly - as for example within the vigorous recent pragmaticism of Richard Rorty. Indeed, for many socialists, (i.e. "democratic socialists") to the extent that socialism is sometimes thought paradigmatically to distinguish itself from liberalism, it has often seemed that there are no specifically socialist values as such - other than a commitment to some version of collectivism and an emphasis on the public interest -but rather a store of more or less self-evident truths about what constitute fair and reasonable lives, but that these may only be realised through various levels of institutional change. In this respect their position does not vary strongly from that of many liberals, except to the degree that they find it unnecessary to extend a priori tolerance to eccentric desires as a kind of thought experiment which might limit the permissible levels of institutional change. Rather such a view, fairly impregnated as it is with the democratic viewpoint tends to see reasonableness in terms of some more or less unexamined standards of what constitutes reasonableness as understood by any, so to say, grown up or level headed person. In this way a kind of informal Aristotelianism is widely at work in modern societies. What seems within the bounds of how we live to constitute a standard is in fact a standard even though the ways in which society is presently organised and constituted may not in a day to day way incorporate it as a standard. It is as though it would be a misunderstanding to believe that we in some way had standards, limits or desiderata in mind when we declared a piece of conduct, a claim, a demand or desire to fall outside some kind of limit. These kinds of liberals, socialists and conservatives take it for granted that the individual can by no means simply assert their preferences as though they were to be the best judge of what is good for them. But nor could anyone else set out the limits of the desirable for them. It would rather be a matter of looking at cases as they arise. And in this recourse would be had to ordinary human feelings according to some standards which it would be shocking to broach but which are not in a deliberate way pre-set. As Wittgenstein makes the point, a mother might say to someone "play a game with the children" and later finding you playing some low or unsuitable game with them say, "I didn't mean a game like that" without this implying that she had already ruled out, explicitly in her private thoughts so to speak, that particular game. And that to bicker with her over the matter from a logical point of view would be to acting in bad faith, as any grown up person would immediately know. We recognise aberrations, we recognise immaturities, we recognise what is already known about standards without holding in our minds criteria through which we could say in advance what would constitute a breach. The liberal in saying that there may not be any criteria other than harm to others or some such, is not only going too far but is already committing some kind of assault. For the fact that things cannot be argued for in advance arises from the ways in which we live. Among the ways in which we live is the process of discovering through our own moral life how we should live. And this does not involve the articulation of prior values. People do not necessarily know what they should tell their children by way of offering moral precepts, though of course they may know their social catechisms quite well.

Since Socrates it has been clear that learning the meaning of the social observances which we may make involves developments within the self awareness of the person. Part of the Socratic challenge is to call into question ritualism in itself as the route to moral development or the means of reaching what it is we seek to achieve through piety. Such a questioning, as was fatally demonstrated, is to court impiety. But only through the process of dialectical questioning can piety be given life and thus mere prescription take on true meaning. Thus although we may all have fairly clear ideas about what would amount to being an admirable person, say, the good is not something which can be clearly prescribed. From this point of view moral growth as development is not a matter of following models even though it may be really important to have exemplars and ideals according to which it is possible to offer ourselves some kind of a standard to look up to, these models or exemplary cases may be shown in various ways, through dialectical questioning, to be inadequate, not only in terms of consistency but also because they do not in some way meet intuitions. To put this within a different emphasis. It may well be thought an easy matter to set out a series of desiderata upon which people might easily agree, within the limits of rational prudence and practical possibility regarding the ways in which we should live, derived from some standards which are fairly empty in terms of detailed content, which do not clash strongly with what rational and dispassionate individuals might be expected to believe in. Presently attention is constantly drawn to such standards in terms of acceptable levels of welfare, social efficiency, access to primary goods, reduction of exploitation with respect to class, gender, between nations and so forth. Further, the argument has gone a long way in trying to specify various assemblages of human rights and in signalling their violations. Again, attempts have been made to set out various notions of need wherein it is possible to specify, no doubt at a fairly high level of generality, more or less demonstrable shortcomings in the way we live. But all of this is more or less de-historicised and culturally transcendent. It does not seek to demonstrate what persons ought to feel. The sense of ought has to be weakened to the extent that it should not engage with sentiment if the search for justice without foundations is to be achieved. And yet it is by sentiment that the whole apparatus of morality is perhaps sustained,

 

II

The growth of the natural attitude in the twentieth century which has proceeded apace, despite the struggles of the phenomenologist to divert it, has increasing and mass appeal in a situation when it is thought that values are something which people choose to adopt or which in some way are consequential upon their socialisation. And since therefore the possibilities of deliberation are seen by many to be restricted some kind of natural attitude can settle the matter. Clearly the various strategies through which something called "nature" is evoked, in contrast to normative deliberation which is as irreducibly pluralised, through a considerable gamut of ecologically directed appeals and strategies sometimes collapsing into species hostility, present a vantage point which lays some kinds of claim to independence. In this sense the natural attitude comes to be in a way embodied, nature itself to be both victim and protagonist. The preservation of the environment is not simply something which may be thought of as desirable or for that matter a survival imperative but rather as something which determines. And this idea is capable of indefinite modulation, from the proposal that nature is something which must now be managed to the claim that nature is something to which we must learn to submit. The depredations of the natural world accelerating with industrial and population growth in all their demonstrable urgency are a fundamental obstacle to any kind of progressive extrapolation from the present to the future and are a point of departures for far reaching remedial and conservatory measures which could be shown to interdict modernisation as such. Or may be taken as in themselves the basis of programmes of life and social organisation which fundamentally depart from the industrial ideology with greater or lesser degrees of radicalism, or to substantiate a critique of how we live and indeed how we think and feel. Accompanying such a shift of sentiment towards the external world is a shift towards the human world regarded more and more as in itself an object of control and intervention or as an insufficiently explored entity to which we must learn to attune ourselves. And within this a great range of possible pathways present themselves often in eclectic combination. The noumenal phenomenal distinction is set aside through a new mechanicism which insists that "autonomy" arises from treating minds and bodies as manipulable systems. And those very knowledge structures consequent on the phenomenalism of self, already a separate industry, point towards a further turn in the notion that the self is a value selecting entity nurtured within the cosmion of technical manipulation.

From another point of view the natural attitude has deeply encroached upon the human sciences themselves, upon that is to say the speculative and interpretive social sciences as well as those behavioural sciences which always strive towards the natural attitude and for which positivism is central and foundational. And of course the natural attitude is never far away in any of the social sciences and still remains an aspiration for anyone who has been insufficiently hesitant in forgetting its founders. Indeed the aspiration to science within the speculative psychological and historical sciences, most notably Marxism and psychoanalysis, so frequently taken by positivists to have ended in failure and therefore to be the source of the entrapping and misleading character, in a way the ideological character, of those systems, was very largely and notoriously problematic not because of their aspiration to science but rather because they took science to be little more than an elaboration of the natural attitude. It is significant in this respect that Marxism lent itself immediately to Spinozism and became so in quite self-conscious ways with its degeneration into Diamat. Freud himself claimed that he so presupposed Spinoza as part of the intellectual atmosphere of his work that he found it an obvious and taken for granted fact that there was no need to elaborate upon the matter. At root both psychoanalysis and Marxism for all their emphases upon the civilising process and their deep stress upon individual emancipation, their deep humanism, rested their case upon the natural groundedness of human struggles for emancipation. An important link between Marx and Freud in this way reposes in the thought that human development arises with the struggle with or against nature which are inscribed in human nature. And in both tendencies a refusal towards presciptivism and idealism lies in this. Neither Freud nor Marx seem to doubt that once the path has been charted, it can so to speak be followed, that humanity may only advance through the encounter with necessity and that it is necessity which will form and transform individuals/classes into the agents of their self-emancipation. ( Or tragically, they will fail in the attempt) This is not to enter into the elaboration of the theory of practice but rather to say that development is seen in the main as a negative matter even allowing for the Hegelian debts of Marx and the Enlightenment core of both Freud and Marx.

What else might emancipation consist in than a purgation and attendant growth, than a struggle of consciousness against its entrapment and the self creation of individuals such that they ascend to levels of consciousness wherein they may review the pathway that they have taken and discern the contours of their new freedom and power? What other objectives could be worthwhile if confronted by such albeit as yet unknown vistas? Must not even failure or defeat be superior to not entering this struggle and therefore not to have sensed the reality of human possibility? Both Marx and Freud were of course cautionary and conservative and at any point more than likely to turn against any hint of triumphalism. In the war between classes no battle should be entered lightly, in the pursuit of common unhappiness not only could there be no final victory but nor should there be any ambitious quest for the source of pains which have no pressing currency. But even though mere ardour for emancipation should never dull the realistic sense of what might be achievable, for both Marx and Freud nothing can be more worthwhile nor more true to life than the search for the new world of self and society. The telos is discernible not simply within the meaning of human action but also as an externally inscribed aim which can be discerned through a natural enquiry. A view is being taken of "human nature" disavowals of any glibness notwithstanding, which may not take any strength from the question of why it is important to treat people as though they were human beings. The problem here is that any attempt to set out some kind of definition of the human, as in a theory of rights for example, some evocation of the moral law or whatever, fails once it is called for. And indeed any attempt to specify such a theory as a way of setting or prescribing limits to emancipatory striving feeds into the striving. Either normal people, including as Husserl put it the normal Chinese, know what is at stake in treating people as though they were human beings or they don't know. And this is revealed in the fact that within many cultures there is a necessity for exclusions. In the Aristotelian ethics the criterion of rationality, i.e. the capacity to govern ones self, does not extend the capacity to make moral judgements to the whole of humanity, and that thought has had a notorious history. But put more straightforwardly it is another way of saying that when we encounter an individual within our own culture who seems to be incapable of seeing the point of a standard which we share we may well initially be at a loss to know what to say to them. It is as though they were not fully within the human world, had not properly come of age or were through some extraordinary quality outside of the reach of normal human motivation, or asked more of themselves than may reasonably be asked of a person. And this general idea is intelligible regardless of the norms in question. It is so to speak a generalisable idea that we may be shocked or startled in the same kind of way at moral autism regardless of the stakes involved or the actual character of the social norms concerned. What makes a question into a moral question is, so to speak, always the same the world over even though the prescriptions or proscriptions at play may be radically different from one cultural system to another. The question of "understanding" other societies "primitive" or not, is a categorically different question from the matter of grasping whether another person borne within that culture is a good or admirable person or not. So that although it may be a matter of the greatest difficulty to divine how we should comport ourselves in accordance with rules that we do not understand or have not internalised or in the light of principles which have no place in our world we are quite able to see whether or not another person is exhibiting humanness. And this does not involve us in the idea that the human is a natural category. Indeed it means something rather the opposite. For although the fact that we can grasp the human qualities of another person in a rather unmediated way , unmediated that is to say through the detailed social forms which we hold in common, we come the better to understand the forms which render their conduct casually intelligible through our grasp of, trust in, perhaps love for, that person. What makes another person more fully human is the way in which they themselves live within the social forms of their own lives. It is their comportment which tells us what the social rules mean, as much as it is through understanding the social rules that their comportment is rendered intelligible. Any grown up inquiry regarding the ways in which other cultures subsist is in fact always a dialectical one. And we become more human by moving from particular instances to a broader insight. Perhaps this is why so many people speak of the deepening familiarisation with any form of life in terms of its being like learning a language. We learn how to live not by internalising rules but gaining some mastery of activities and thereby learning to do things our own way. Indeed one could go so far as to say that knowledge technically transmitted, what Oakeshott for example wishes to remove from the realm of the practical, is inherently dehumanising to the degree that it cannot be made truly ones own. The fact that there is something wrong with the ever reiterated idea that individuals are empowered by acquiring "skills" has to do with a reluctance to make the point that to be skilful is not a matter of trying to act such that explicable and consciously acquired techniques are deliberately and transparently applied - it is to have freedom of action. And to act humanly is act non-mechanically.

 

III

In this way the individual who knows how to conduct themselves from a standard of etiquette, and for whom indeed such a standard has come to have a life of its own has only completed a part of the journey towards behaving like a human being. In the west, at least since the Euthypro we have come to see the paradox which lies within the problem of social observance. The burden of taboo is lifted when ritual comes to be a reconciliation of inner meaning and outward conduct. And the difficulty of achieving such a reconciliation is at the centre of religious evolution for example. The continuing struggle to weaken the efficacy of ritual as a means rather than a system of meanings, the lifting of collective neurosis carries within itself the possibilities of ascending individual self respect and the growth of piety simultaneously. The power of ritual in a sense limits the realm of faith. Indeed, the evolution of religion brings with it the growth of faith in that worldly outcomes are no longer guaranteed by ritualistic means, nor worldly and collective disasters consequent upon the failure of collective ritualistic observances. The entrapment of ritualistic neurosis arises from a diminution of the sense of active capacity but at the same time carries with it the idea of omnipotence. So that the infantile character of ritualism lies in an unwillingness to believe that the individual has the capacity to shape their world alloyed to the idea, however marked by dread, that they have the capacity to make omnipotent forces bend to their will. And it is this weighty burden which eventually becomes crippling. The sense of helplessness and the sense of omnipotence balance upon each other. And necessarily involve a stern realism. A constant evocation of the power of reality, as also the power and possible arbitrariness of the natural elements, exactly captures this blend. Religious evolution allows God in man to be something separate from, no longer dependent upon the will of man, and opens the possibility of religious faith and with that the possibility of self faith, the growth of higher forms of piety and religious devotion and the recognition of the creative capacities of human beings. The somewhat grotesque mistake of Nitzsche in relation to the so called death of God in obvious contradiction to the growth of religious observance arises from a failure to see this dialectical connection. The idea that human responsibility is consequent upon some kind of abandonment rather than from a deeper piety misses the essential character of responsibility.

The notion of responsibility could be thought of as a scalar idea, as something which arises not from solitude, in the sense that humanity is constrained to create values for itself according to a resort to some form of naturalism, from an inspection of external endowments, but rather as something which grows coevally with the growth of understanding and the capacity for action. In that view, which seems to be taken by Hegel, to be responsible is to assume the mantle of obligation arising from higher levels of consciousness and technical mastery. It is something which flows from the development of the spirit as it gains greater actuality and definiteness through its progress in the world. The adult in this way has, as we see, more responsibility than the child, and this is recognised by all of us in the apportionment of responsibility to the superior and our reluctance to vest responsibility in others, at least from the point of view of censure, simply on the grounds of their innocent good conscience. But in what is being here suggested, growth and development in the individual arises from the dual process whereby in acknowledgement of finitude and limitation, in the recognition indeed of the impossibility of gaining command over the world through the heavy imposition of will, the individual may assume greater capacity to influence the world by thought, by feeling and by action.

 

IV

Could this seemingly paradoxical way of looking at things have any feasible basis? First of all it involves the thought that a prerequisite of empowerment as a person must involve the experience of limitation and incapacity. And in the context of this discussion this involves, perhaps, the possibly painful internalisation of relative insignificance, submission to the idea that growth and development requires that the individual recognise that higher powers exist than they themselves and that these higher powers are not mobilisable extensions of their own desires. They are not confined within the limits of their own imagination nor manipulable in conformity with their actions or imprecations. It involves the recognition that the assumption of powerlessness is the refuge of the covertly omnipotent. So that in consequence of deeply internalised inferiority, the other ( person, entity, force field) is imaginatively confined. In denying puissance to more powerful entities through these covert resentments we believe ourselves to exercising great modesty. But to the degree that we believe that it is our image of the other which bestows reality upon them we at the same time, although possibly unknowingly, believe that our own considerations make the world what it is. For this reason the capacity for genuine admiration releases that power, formerly the power to control, such that it becomes the capacity for independent action. In the same way, the recognition that we had in fact been exercising great influence, possibly upon powers that are greater than ourselves and in that sense had been guilty of great violation, a violation which was indeed tolerated because it was clearly seen for what it was, there arises a keener sense of the reality of the world, a reality which at some level we were helping to create. We may recognise the depths of our unaware activity and control over the world. We come to see that whether we wish it or not, whether we were aware of it or not we were already having an impact on the world and had been to greater or lesser extent the creators of some features of our world. We may in that sense begin to assume reality for the actions, possibly thought actions, that we had already been performing. This painful process of realisation therefore is also a process of growth. And even though actions undertaken consciously rather than in habitual unawareness may not seem to have about any obvious quality of freedom this realisation is capable of lying at the origins of freedom.

It is the inner significance which we attach to our being in the world which transforms the character of our being in the world. This "intentionality" as process, rather than as retrospective imputation, is the link between freedom and responsibility, carries with it the fact that responsibility itself is a matter of process and not something that can be carried within the age old controversies regarding the seniority of either motivation or outcome. In the same way that reason itself should be looked upon as a task rather than an attribute, so that both Kant and Hegel for all the greatness of their insight into the progress of enlightenment, lack the urgency which their moral discoveries should have revealed - unlike interestingly Leibniz who has so often and so cruelly been taken as the paradigm of moral complacency - so responsibility is something which can be thought from an active point of view as a disposition to be assumed rather than a condition to be ascribed. There is, as is well known, a good deal of light thrown on this question by the pioneers of depth psychology in the earlier part of this century within their therapeutic practice. In different ways Freud and Adler stressed the vital functions from the point of view of the mental health of the sufferer of their grasping the underlying responsibility that they might have for their condition and stressed that the contours of the neurotic formation were of their own construction and further for Adler that taking responsibility for collective well being or for the well being of others might release them from the carapace of their inferiority feelings. In fact this difference of emphasis between Freud and Adler draws out quite clearly the ways in which the teacher remained emphatically a liberal while the pupil reached towards socialism. Variations on this theme lie at the root of a good deal of existentialist thought. And again to return to the idea of critique, in the philosophy of practice generally and within humanistic Marxism in particular the idea of self emancipation through political commitment is characteristic. Some strands of feminist enquiry have drawn upon and in various ways developed these classical discourses. Typically, twentieth century modes of addressing the question of responsibility, seen in the light suggested, have tended towards the idea of what has come to called "consciousness raising" rather than acceptance and submission to the moral law, admission to the ethical life of a society, or recognition of the logic of historical necessity. The growth of the individualistic emphasis, associated with either the trials of modernisation or the struggle to deepen religious meanings does not necessarily involve a curtailment of the provenance of the self. It does not require a shrinking of the terrain on which the individual may have the freedom or the obligation to act, nor a narrowing of the domain in which the theme of responsibility may have relevance. Although very often such a narrowing, such a self restriction has been construed as the paradigm of liberalism and democracy as if in some kind of return to the earliest moments of the liberal and secular movement from community, the self as solitary captain of the separate soul.

 

V

At this point two observations might be made with respect to this individualising atmosphere. Firstly, even while recognising that the modern strain has usually been intensely political rather than in any way signalling quietism, often it has been given currency and fashionableness, in a way out of keeping with the intricate and technical nature of some of the arguments involved, because it has been thought of as a protest against or a personal solution to the tendencies of the twentieth century world to secrete inauthenticity or conformism. In this respect at least the tendencies which have been alluded to run parallel, in the political and emotional sphere, to the relations between modernism and modernisation in the expressive sphere. They create contexts and definitions of personal situations which make it possible to live within modernity without submitting to the destruction of the capacity for action which modernisation carries in its train. And also they hold promise of a different future in which authentic personal and expressive life resonates with more democratic and more justly inclusive societies no longer carried forward by the sheer pressures of rationalisation and modernisation. It could also be thought however that these particular themes are endemic to modernity and do not simply arise in protest against it. And obviously therefore they may be co-opted within the shape of consciousness which sees the self as a manipulable entity which merely adjusts itself to the supposed survival needs of industry and commerce. Secondly, it is necessary to see that under the general rubric of personal responsibility there are no necessary limits to the outcomes for which the self may consider itself responsible. One of the most casual lamentations of individuals in a world in which information, of a kind, is available regarding fateful events, future foreboding and inherited disasters is that the individual is powerless. Setting aside programs and pragmatics there are no logical limits, no describable boundaries, beyond which the person may not assume responsibility in the sense of process rather than the sense of guilt. And the claim to powerlessness should be a signal of this rather than a proof that it is not so.

In the context of art and expression, Kandinski once remarked," Don't look for the limits, the limits are there". It is clearly the case that the human condition is mercifully marked by individual finitude. That to be human is not to be able to do everything or to be everything. Or at least not all at the same time so to speak. But this does not entail that we can ever say, "Here are the limits of my responsibility and beyond this there is nothing in the world which may touch me." For to be touched by something is also to be able to touch it. Which is not the same as being able to dominate or determine it. So that within the idea of responsibility viewed as process there may be no limit which we are able to prescribe to ourselves at which we can say that at this point, beyond this specific boundary there can be no possibility that I may have an effect. Nor is this any claim, contrariwise, that individual capacities are infinite, a claim to infantile or ritualistic omnipotence. Neither powerlessness nor omnipotence constitute limits. Nor yet does the assumption of responsibility postulate the achievement of absolutes, for no other reason than that the sense of limitation is a pre-condition of striving within a rightful sense of responsibility. Such an idea as this is contained in Kant's remark that every human being is of inestimable value and that therefore we must be governed by the moral law while at the same time realising that we may not achieve the good in any absolute way, in the sense of reaching an absolute limit. But we may however, in Kant's own word approach the good "asymptotically", moving ever closer to it so to speak.

The idea that there may be no determinate limits regarding the boundaries to which responsibility may be assumed is an idea that from at least one point of view speaks of madness. Certainly the belief in the capacity to influence all and everything is, precisely, madness. Or at least in a variety of forms. And indeed the passage from assumed although probably unwitting covert omnipotence to the sense of genuine power, unmitigated by the growth of responsibility, is the foundation of unstable and manic conditions the morphology of which is rather well understood. Covert power in the form of ritualistic possessiveness of the secrets of the universe, so to speak, or in the form of ideologically sustained domination detached from its habitual object may be released in the form of great energy which now has no object and may spend itself in unsustainable projects, cyclically collapsing back into exhaustion and depression. The introduction of the mediating term, responsibility, opens spaces for reflection and learning which can however be prerequisite to transformations in the inclination of the self and its intentionalities reshape its active engagement with the world. The assumption of responsibility involves at the very least a stocktaking and an appraisal of the ways in which the power of the person has in general, and where the matter has urgency, in detail, been directed and employed.