The global impact of COVID-19’s spread appears likely to change the world permanently. Britain is no exception. The introduction of daily government briefings and Parliament’s impending closure are just two ways British politics will be affected. There has also been a draconian public lockdown and increasingly public role of scientific experts guiding public response to the pandemic. Although how will this latest crisis influence British populism? Some commentators have suggested it may kill populism, whereas others indicate this is rather unlikely.
Populism has been frequently used in contemporary British politics. In the 2019 General Election, the two main parties leaders appeared to dip into the populist toolbox to boost their support. Brexit and the preceding Brexit Party European Election victory also saw maverick Nigel Farage’s populism strike a chord with the British electorate. However, will populism remain so influential in British politicians framing of this current crisis?
Despite conceptual contestation, populism is widely regarded as a political dichotomy between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’. The relationship between the two is antagonistic, with populists promoting the need to restructure social, political, cultural and economic power for the benefit of ‘the people’. Populists spread their message in simple binaries that show the elite as corrupt, self-serving and unwilling to listen to popular demand. The elite are seen as the cause of societies ills, which necessitates their removal from privileged positions. The focus here is upon populism as a discourse/rhetoric. It is considered a means of framing society, rather than an engrained ideology. Populism is a tool politicians utilise to make dichotomised appeals. It is something politicians can dip in and out of as necessary. This appears common in the UK where leaders utilise populist tropes and tactics without fully embedding it as a core strategy.
It is often said that populists thrive upon crisis. Particularly resonant is the last financial crisis. In Britain, fingers were pointed squarely at the financial sector, such as bankers – whose continual large bonuses during national recession and austerity indicated social divide. Furthermore, the expenses scandal saw public anger focus upon the political class. This helped fan the flames of populism, particularly growing across Europe. It provided a focal point that displayed elite greed and disconnect from
normal people. The momentum behind this saw grassroots activism such as the Occupy movement protesting against the elite 1%. The populist turn also encouraged Brexit, demanding that the public take back control through popular sovereignty. The Leave campaign also notably exploited another crisis, the European refugee crisis, suggesting migration was at
breaking point.
Whilst Brexit may have indicated people have had enough of experts, this latest pandemic has seen an increase in public trust. This includes Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s swelling approval ratings, aligning with increased trust in scientists as experts. This is despite the impact of the pandemic causing similar economic outcomes as the last financial crisis, including stock market volatility and both supply and demand shortages will almost inevitably lead to a recession. Furthermore, the incumbent Conservative government is at a historic high in opinion polling, suggested unprecedented support for their crisis management, guided by the science – rather than public opinion. Conversely, the populist Brexit Party and UKIP cannot even muster 1% of the vote in the same poll.
However, there are two key differences between this pandemic and the last economic crisis. Firstly, the government has provided a huge fiscal injection to support businesses and individuals wages affected by COVID-19, unseen previously. This entitles both furloughed employed and self-employed workers 80% of wages/profits up to £2,500 per month. This limits critique of the government for not supporting populist signifiers
the people,
taxpayers and
workers. Secondly, the virus is indiscriminate. There appears no elite privilege of immunity. Of the British citizens infected, there are many cultural elites such as actor Idris Elba, England International footballer Callum Hudson-Odio and even royalty – such as Prince Charles. Several members of the Cabinet have been infected including Boris Johnson and his Chief Adviser Dominic Cummings. Consequently, it is hard to accuse elites of hiding in ivory towers – populist binaries such as
rich and poor,
haves and have nots do not apply. Dividing the infected and non-infected cannot be done on populist grounds. This current crisis is consequently harder to pin blame upon elites. Rather scientific elites such as epidemiologists are considered vital to resolving this crisis.
Yet, populism is not in total quarantine. Corbyn exposes continual populist cleavage, questioning:
Who are we least able to do without in a crisis – the refuse collectors and cleaners or the billionaires?. Nigel Farage has challenged the police forces use of power, having the
wrong priorities and need to focus upon crime rather than keeping citizens under
house arrest. This challenging elite measures that not considered in the interests of the people. Also prominent during this pandemic is increased nativist appeals. Farage has claimed
Globalisation is the cause of our problems. Whilst Trump continues to refer to it as the
Chinese virus, Farage similarly stokes international division stating:
the UK Government are buying ventilators from China, yes China. Therefore, the pandemic appears another event that has provided national populists an opening.
In summary, British populism is far from dead. The current crisis has provided limited opportunities for populists to criticise the elite. As the government states, we’re all in it together, regardless of elite status. Government action has also shown a more caring capitalism in managing this crisis. Yet on the occasions that social division appears, populism is ready to pounce. Politics is an ongoing struggle and whilst the opportunity may not currently befit populist rifts, a lot can change in a short space of time. Don’t be surprised if we soon see a return of British populism from both the left and right.
Callum Tindall is a Doctoral Researcher at the University of Nottingham. His research focuses upon the role of populism and class within contemporary Britain. His Staff profile can be found here and Tweets from @CallumTindall92. Image credit: CC by European Parliament/Flickr.
