The decline of the Scottish Conservatives since the 1950s had been, as David Seawright observed, relatively un-examined in the pre-devolution era. Politically after all, there was no real issue over the decline provided the Conservative Party still managed to pull in majorities from across the rest of the UK. Both Thatcher and Major were the main beneficiaries of this. In Scotland, that they were being governed by parties selected by the rest of the UK did not go unnoticed, and has been a key part of Scottish nationalist rhetoric for much of the last 30 years.

Contrasting this, fast-forward to today and the decline in Scottish conservatism has certainly been more noticed. But the Scottish Conservatives in Holyrood could hardly be described as commanding much political power between its formation and the 2016 elections. The institution has been dominated by Labour in its early years and more recently by the SNP, with the Tories and Liberal Democrats having only ‘walk on parts’. This is, of course, all a matter of debate – however, the Tories in Scotland have played third fiddle, with little or no hope (or expectation) of political power.

That changed when Ruth Davidson became leader. Of course it would be facile to suggest that she alone has pushed the Scottish Conservatives forward. The SNP now have a governing record to defend, and the Labour Party are in the process of continuing their implosion. Another factor is the SNP’s main selling point (independence) has already been rejected by the voters, yet in the last few weeks of the election campaign they continued trying to sell it. Indeed, Nicola Sturgeon argued another referendum was possible if there was clear support for a repeat. Without a majority they will find this argument an even harder sell. The electorate appear to have risen to Sturgeon’s test with a resounding (second) No.

So, how has Ruth Davidson started to turn the fortunes of the Scottish Conservatives around? Well, as leader, she has striven to construct a likable persona that subverts the image the Tory party has acquired since 1979. The narrative has been that since Thatcher and the Poll Tax, the Conservatives in Scotland are a defeated force. There has been evidence of this, with dire electoral performances, and little signs of a recovery since 1997. Against this backdrop, Davidson’s resurrection of the Conservatives in Scotland has been through putting the past to one side and focusing on her younger, more socially liberal persona. She has successfully fused contemporary Scottishness with modern conservatism. This was done by pushing her socially liberal values ahead of those of her economic conservatism. She is also open about her relationship, her religion, and her upbringing in Glasgow. This provides a flavour of who she is, and that she understanding the values of modern Scotland.

Yet of course she remains a firm believer in Conservatism. For example, cutting tax, aspiration, meritocratic society, and strong armed forces. She also has a strong commitment to the Union. By emphasising her liberal values ahead of her conservatism, she has been able to connect with floating voters who may remember the impact of Thatcherism on Scotland. Also, it must be remembered that as the memory of Thatcherism goes further into the past, we have a generation of Scottish voters who have never known a pre-devolved age and may be more receptive to an essentially conservative argument. This is, needless to say a factor across the UK, however as the generation born in 1997/8 now begin to vote, they will have different priorities that may represent an opportunity for Scottish conservatism to be resurrected.

So, Ruth Davidson’s success has been to secure the electoral support of the Scottish voter at a time when the SNP appeared to be at their highest. As the second largest party in Holyrood, Davidson also sends a message that not as many voters are convinced by the SNP’s arguments as it may have appeared. It would be too early to suggest that the Scottish Conservatives as ‘back’ – it has decades of decline to address. But they are certainly a significant force in Scottish politics again, for which Davidson can be justly proud. How they use that force and whether it is welcomed by the modern Scottish voter remains to be seen.

Andrew Crines is Lecturer in British Politics at the University of Liverpool. He tweets @AndrewCrines.

Image: The Scottish Parliament via CC by 3.0