From Militant Revolutionary Politics to Democratic Politics – A Case of the Global South: Sri Lanka

This blog article explores the transition from militant to non-militant revolutionary politics in Sri Lanka, within the context of the Global South. It will examine the emergence of revolutionary consciousness, the political developments and declines, and the subsequent re-emergence of that consciousness in the form of democratic movements.

Sri Lanka, located in South Asia, has been grappling with an ongoing economic crisis since 2022. This crisis emerged in the wake of political turmoil when widespread public protests forced the elected former President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa (2019), to resign. The protests were driven by public outrage over the mismanagement and corruption of economic resources, which led to severe shortages of essential goods. The movement, spontaneously organised under the slogan “Gota Go Home,” became a powerful expression of collective dissent. Citizens occupied public spaces, demanding economic justice, political reform, and the establishment of an uncorrupted government and leadership.

Among the many political parties involved in organising the “Gota Go Home” movement globally, the National People’s Power (NPP)—an alliance led by the People’s Liberation Front (JVP), a Marxist-Communist party—played a significant role. The NPP mobilized the public, creating a political space for citizens to engage in discussions, share their views, and undergo political socialization. This effort aimed to shape public political consciousness in dissent against Sri Lanka’s deeply entrenched political culture, characterised by dynastic, regimental, and undemocratic practices.

Although the NPP is aligned with the JVP, its political strategy primarily focuses on electoral democracy. The NPP advocates for refining democratic structures to eliminate corruption, lack of transparency, and dynastic politics, distancing itself from a Marxist-Communist revolutionary approach. Instead of overthrowing the existing system, the NPP seeks to reform it through democratic practices, including universal suffrage—a concept introduced to Sri Lanka by British colonialists in 1933.

The democratic system in Sri Lanka was structured through the colonial British politics of the Soulbury Commission in 1948. However, key economic and social factors necessary for fostering a healthy democracy remained unresolved, carrying over into the post-colonial period. These unresolved issues contributed to ethnic tensions between the Sinhala majority and Tamil minority, challenged the outcomes of welfare policies, and exacerbated socio-economic disparities. For instance, the high unemployment rate among university graduates in rural areas highlighted systemic inefficiencies, while nepotistic practices entrenched dynastic politics, with political party and government leadership often passed from father to son.

The British transfer of power to Sri Lanka’s local aristocratic class re-created a "colonial structure" within the post-colonial context. This new structure was dominated by Sinhala (ethnic majority), male (dominant gender), and capitalist (aristocratic) families. However, this colonial legacy faced significant challenges during the post-colonial period, particularly from a youth faction that split from the Ceylon Communist Party (1965).

A critical figure in this movement was Rohana Wijeweera, who perpetuated the father-son style of leadership within Sri Lanka's Left politics. Influenced by Maoist ideology, Wijeweera championed militant revolutionary politics, which culminated in the organised revolutionary upheaval led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in 1971. The JVP's anti-imperial political mobilization resonated strongly with rural Sri Lankan youth, particularly in areas where the socio-economic structure was shaped by agriculture and a rigid caste-based division of labour.

The Sinhala rural youth gravitated toward the JVP's militant revolutionary politics, often referred to as the "New Left." This movement contrasted sharply with the "Old Left," which espoused non-militant revolutionary ideals. The JVP’s radical activism in 1971 sought to overthrow the Sri Lankan government, marking a significant departure from traditional leftist approach.

The parliamentary elections of 1977 marked a pivotal shift in Sri Lanka’s political landscape, ousting the old Left-aligned government and establishing a new administration that embraced liberal market policies and structural economic reforms to promote an open economy. This transition also ended the Westminster parliamentary model, moving the country toward a French-style De Gaulle system of governance. Under this system, both a president and a prime minister held executive powers, with the president wielding significant authority within the constitutional framework.

This dual-executive system was formalized by the Second Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka in 1978. The first presidential election under this constitution was held in 1982, during which the JVP leader, Rohana Wijeweera, contested and secured 4.19% of the votes. At the time, the JVP was transitioning from a militant revolutionary movement to a non-militant political entity, attempting to integrate into the mainstream political system. However, their unpopularity and poor performance in the presidential election led the party to revert to militant strategies, culminating in a well-organised insurgency during the 1988–89 period.

The JVP's political activism, marked by violence, also reflected ethnic divisions in their mobilization of dissent, particularly against Indian influence as a dominant neighbour in South Asia. This opposition extended to Indian-origin plantation workers, who had been forcibly relocated to Sri Lanka by British colonial rulers as surplus labour for the plantation economy they had established. This shift in focus, the author of this blog article argues, illustrates how the Marxist-Communist characteristics of the JVP began to evolve into an ethno-nationalist framework, sidelining ethnically distinct segments of the working class from their class-based politics.

By neglecting or remaining silent on the “Tamil national question,” the JVP further underscored its prioritization of ethno-nationalist interests over broader class struggle. This shift raises question about how their ethno-nationalist agenda intertwined with their anti-imperial and anti-colonial politics. Anchored in this ethno-nationalist base, the JVP re-engaged in militant guerrilla activity during the 1988–89 period.

This insurgency was brutally suppressed by the De Gaulle-inspired executive presidential system, resulting in a tragic loss of approximately 60,000 youth lives, who were either killed or disappeared. Following this violent suppression, the JVP was banned as a political party, marking a dark chapter in Sri Lanka’s political history.

Gradually transitioning away from its militant revolutionary roots, the JVP re-entered the democratic electoral process in 1994. By 2019, the party became part of the National People’s Power (NPP), a collective political alliance comprising intellectuals and civil society organizations. The NPP brings together individuals from the upper-middle and middle classes as well as the working class, representing diverse ethnic groups across the country.

United by a commitment to a transparent, rights-based political structure, the NPP promotes progressive politics with a neoliberal orientation. This approach seeks to address Sri Lanka’s deeply entrenched economic crisis while advocating for equality and systemic reform.